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Structural interventions

What is the role of structural interventions in HIV prevention?

What are structural interventions?

Most HIV prevention interventions deal with individuals, one by one. Many of these interventions have been very successful. However, they often require a lot of staff time and reach a limited number of persons. Furthermore, those who do receive interventions may face pressures to continue high-risk behaviors from their peers who do not receive the intervention. Structural interventions change or influence social, political, or economic environments in ways that help many people all at onceperhaps without their even knowing it.¹ The term “structural interventions” means many things. Structural interventions include programs that change legal environments (often with community pressure or input) to make safer behavior easier, such as allowing syringes to be sold over the counter. They can also target the immediate social context of sexual or injection behaviors by changing the physical or normative environments within which they occur. Examples include Thai brothels that require condom use or European public health safer injection rooms. Structural interventions also include programs to reduce or abolish income inequality, racism, and other inequities and oppressions which create vulnerability to HIV/AIDS.

What structures create risk?

How can we know what social, political or economic structures or processes need changing? Generally, we learn this by studying naturally-occurring variation among areas or groups, or naturally-occurring experiments in which conditions change for reasons other than HIV-related interventions. Studies of naturally-occurring variation have shown that: 1) poor countries are more likely to have generalized HIV epidemics; 2) countries with more income inequality have higher HIV rates; 3) policies matter: localities where syringes can be bought legally have lower rates of HIV prevalence and incidence among injection drug users (IDUs).² Studies of natural experiments indicate that: 1) otherwise-positive social and political transitions like the end of apartheid in South Africa in the 1990s, the break-up of the Soviet Union in the 1990s, and the ending of the dictatorship in Indonesia in the late 1990s were followed by large HIV outbreaks; 2) wars cause the spread of HIV, STDs, prostitution, rape, sexual bondage and high-risk substance use and lead to increased numbers of sexual partners and rates of sexual partner change.³

Why structural interventions?

Structural interventions often address issues that seem to be unrelated to HIV. When people think about preventing HIV, they don’t normally consider eliminating income inequalities or stopping war. But these social, political and economic realities greatly influence high-risk behaviors. Issues that are not directly related to HIV often create conditions that encourage the spread of HIV, making structural interventions necessary. For example, the New York City government closed fire stations in poor minority sections of the city in the 1970s. As a result, uncontrolled fires destroyed many buildings. The social lives of building residents were severely traumatized. Great overcrowding took place in surrounding poor minority areas. Injection drug use (and later crack), alcoholism, sex trading, gangs and demoralization spread widelyfollowed later by outbreaks of STDs, HIV, tuberculosis and many other ills.⁴ The governments of wealthy countries, including the USA, as well as banks, corporations and other economic elites have aggressively pursued an organized global policy of social welfare cutbacks, privatization and competition. This has led many developing countries into massive debt, and increased income inequality and the growth of massive cities based around giant slums. Also, International Monetary Fund-imposed “structural adjustment programs” have forced large-scale cuts in health and education services in many African, Asian and Latin American countries. These policies and progams have greatly hampered these countries from providing effective prevention interventions and/or antiretroviral therapy or other medical care for their infected populations.^5,6

Examples of structural interventions

In many countries, sex workers have high rates of HIV and other STDs. Thailand and the Dominican Republic have instituted “100% condom” campaigns mandating that brothel owners enforce the use of condoms during all sex acts. These campaigns enlist the support of brothel owners and sex workers and, when possible, their customers. These programs have reduced HIV and STD transmission considerably by changing the immediate social context of sexual behaviors to reduce unprotected sex.^7,8 Most US states have laws that make it a crime to possess or distribute needles and many have laws that require a prescription to buy a needle and syringe. Consequently, IDUs often do not carry syringes for fear of police harassment or arrest. To address this on a legal level, the Connecticut legislature passed a partial repeal of needle prescription and drug paraphernalia laws. This resulted in dramatic reductions in needle sharing, and increases in pharmacy purchase of syringes by IDUs. Sharing dropped from 52% to 31% after the new laws, pharmacy purchase rose from 19% to 78%, and street purchase fell from 74% to 28%.⁹

How can we impact harmful policies?

It is not easy to avoid or end wars, urban development policies that hurt the poor and minorities and repressive sexual and drug policies that create underground environments. However, individuals and communities can make a difference. Grassroots or community-based movements are often a necessary step to larger structural interventions. The formation of such movements can sometimes be a structural intervention if this leads to changes in power relationships or group norms. “Chico Chats,” a program of the STOP AIDS Project in San Francisco, CA, offered workshops on community organizing and mobilization techniques. Participants formed an activist group called ¡Ya Basta! (Enough Already) and designed a video and workshop examining the issues of sexual silence and coming out in Latino families. The video is being shown throughout Latino communities in San Francisco.¹⁰ Community organizations and individuals began operating needle exchange programs (NEPs) in many states with high rates of HIV among IDUs. The NEPs were often illegal and unsupported. The people working at NEPs and other politically active groups worked with public officials to invoke “state of emergency” policies to allow NEPs to exist legally in many states.¹¹ Calcutta sex workers were aided by public health authorities to organize a community union that has enabled them to insist upon condom use. HIV prevalence among Calcutta sex workers has remained lower than in other Indian cities.¹²

What still needs to be done?

The relationship between structural factors such as economic, political and social marginalization and behaviors that place persons at risk for contracting or spreading HIV/AIDS and STDs cannot be ignored.^13,14 Nor can high-risk behaviors be seen as operating outside of social, political and economic contexts. A more focused discussion of these issues is sorely needed in HIV/AIDS circles. One way to reduce the likelihood of negative repurcussions when structural factors change, is to legally mandate that economic, urban development and foreign policy programs conduct scientific “HIV/AIDS impact statements.” A first step might be for HIV prevention agencies to produce and publicize such HIV/AIDS impact statements themselves.¹⁵ Funders need to take into account the broad range of activities that constitute HIV prevention. Many community-based organizations find themselves responding to all issues affecting HIV, including ones that may seem unrelated. Addressing these larger issues of war, poverty, restrictive laws and social inequalities such as racism and homophobia is a part of what many agencies do on a daily basis. Helping organize and support these efforts may lead to needed structural HIV prevention interventions.

Says who?

1. Friedman SR, O’Reilly K. Sociocultural interventions at the community level.AIDS. 1997; 11:S201-S208. 2. Friedman SR, Perlis T, Lynch J, et al. Economic inequality, poverty, and laws against syringe access as predictors of metropolitan area rates of drug injection and HIV infection. 2000 Global Research Network Meeting on HIV Prevention in Drug-Using Populations. Third Annual Meeting Report. Durban, South Africa, July 5 -7, 2000. 147-149. 3. Hankins CA, Friedman SR, Zafar T, et al. Transmission and prevention of HIV and STD in war settings: implications for current and future armed conflicts.AIDS. 2002:16(17):2245-52. 4. Wallace R. Urban desertification, public health and public order: ‘planned shrinkage’, violent death, substance abuse and AIDS in the Bronx. Social Science and Medicine. 1990;31:801-813. 5. Lurie P, Hintzen P, Lowe RA. Socioeconomic obstacles to HIV prevention and treatment in developing countries: the roles of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. AIDS. 1995;9:539-546. 6. Farmer P. Infections and Inequalities: the Modern Plagues. University ofCalifornia Press: Los Angeles. 1999. 7. Celentano DD, Nelson KE, Lyles CM, et al. Decreasing incidence of HIV and sexually transmitted diseases in young Thai men: evidence for success of the HIV/AIDS control and prevention program. AIDS. 1998;12:F29-F36. 8. Roca E, Ashburn K, Moreno L, et al. Assessing the impact of environmental-structural interventions. Presented at the International AIDS Conference,Barcelona, Spain. 2002. Abst #TuPeC4831. 9. Groseclose SL, Weinstein B, Jones TS, et al. Impact of increased legal access to needles and syringes on practices of injecting drug users and police officers–Connecticut, 1992-1993. Journal of Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndromes.1995;10:82-89. 10. The STOP AIDS Project. Q Action, ¡Ya Basta! San Francisco, CA. 415/865-0790 x303 11. Gostin LO. The legal environment impeding access to sterile syringes and needles: the conflict between law enforcement and public health. Journal of Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndromes. 1998;18:S60-70. 12. Piot P, Coll Seck AM. International response to the HIV/AIDS epidemic: planning for success. Bulletin of the World Health Organization. 2001;79:1106-1112. 13. Diaz RM, Ayala G, Marin BV. Latino gay men and HIV: risk behavior as a sign of oppression. Focus. 2000;15:1-5. 14. Friedman SR, Aral S. Social networks, risk potential networks, health and disease. Journal of Urban Health. 2001;78:411-418. 15. Friedman SR, Reid G. The need for dialectical models as shown in the response to the HIV/AIDS epidemic. International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy. (in press).

Prepared by Sam Friedman*, Kelly Knight** *National Development and Research Institutes, ** CAPS January 2003. Fact Sheet #46E Special thanks to the following reviewers of this Fact Sheet: Abu Abdul-Quader, Sevgi Aral, Judith Auerbach, Kim Blankenship, John Encandela, Mindy Fullilove, Carl Latkin, Peter Lurie.

Reproduction of this text is encouraged; however, copies may not be sold, and the Center for AIDS Prevention Studies at the University of California San Franciso should be cited as the source of this information. For additional copies of this and other HIV Prevention Fact Sheets, please call the National Prevention Information Network at 800/458-5231. Comments and questions about this Fact Sheet may be e-mailed to [email protected]. © January 2003, University of California

Resource

Hombres gays Latinos en los Estados Unidos

¿Qué necesitan los hombres Latinos gay para la prevención del VIH en EE.UU.?

Hoja informativa 28, marzo del 2012

¿Por qué enfocarnos en los hombres latinos gay?

El panorama siempre cambiante de los antecedentes demográficos de los latinos radicados en EE.UU. nos plantea retos singulares para resolver las disparidades de salud de esta población, especialmente con respecto a sus necesidades de prevención del VIH. Los latinos son el grupo etno-racial minoritario más numeroso y con mayor velocidad de crecimiento en EE.UU., con un crecimiento del 43% entre el 2000 y el 2010¹. Los datos también indican que los latinos son una de las poblaciones con aumento más rápido de riesgo de transmisión del VIH.

Los hombres latinos que tienen sexo con hombres (HSH o MSM por sus siglas en inglés^*) representan el 81% de las nuevas infecciones entre hombres latinos y el 19% de todos los HSH en general^2,3
Los latinos componen el 16% de la población de EE.UU. pero representan el 17% de las personas vivas con VIH/SIDA y el 20% de nuevas infecciones cada año³
Los jóvenes (13-29 años de edad) son el 45% de las nuevas infecciones de VIH entre los latinos MSM⁴

Estos datos señalan la necesidad de identificar las necesidades de salud culturalmente específicas de los hombres latinos homosexuales con el fin de crear intervenciones eficaces que respondan a las disparidades actuales de salud y eviten otras futuras. La Estrategia Nacional de EE.UU. contra el VIH/SIDA subraya la necesidad de programas de VIH que reduzcan las inequidades entre poblaciones minoritarias etno-raciales y sexuales⁵. Los hombres latinos gay tienen identidades multiculturales distintas que los ubican en ambas categorías priorizadas⁶.

¿Cuáles son los desafíos para la prevención?

La mayor parte del trabajo relacionado con los hombres latinos gay se ha basado en un modelo de salud sociocultural, que demuestra que las experiencias de discriminación social, definidas como racismo, homofobia y pobreza, son pronosticadores importantes de la salud mental a futuro.⁷Se ha comprobado que los trastornos de salud mental, como la angustia psicológica, aumentan el riesgo sexual y disminuyen la capacidad para elegir opciones sexuales sanas. Un estudio reciente de HSH latinos radicados en Nueva York y Los Ángeles⁸ informó que:

Más del 40% de los participantes reportaron experiencias de racismo y homofobia durante el último año
La baja auto estima y los reducidos niveles de apoyo social entre hombres latinos gay se asocian con tasas más altas de comportamientos de riesgo sexual, entre ellos el sexo anal sin protección
Los hombres que habían tenido experiencias tanto homofóbicas como racistas eran más propensos que los hombres que no reportaron discriminación alguna a participar en el sexo anal sin protección como la pareja receptiva, y también a tener atracones de consumo excesivo de alcohol

Las pruebas tardías (es decir, individuos que reciben un diagnóstico de SIDA durante el primer año después de tener un resultado positivo de la prueba del VIH) y la falta de acceso a un seguro médico también plantean desafíos para la prevención, el tratamiento y el cuidado del VIH.

El 38% de los latinos se hacen la prueba en una etapa tardía de la enfermedad⁹.
En un estudio realizado en 21 ciudades grandes de EE.UU., el 46% de los HSH latinos que salieron positivos desconocían que estaban infectados con el VIH³.
En comparación con los blancos, los latinos VIH+ son más propensos a aplazar el cuidado por problemas como la falta de transporte y a demorar el inicio del cuidado médico después de ser diagnosticados⁹.
El 24% de los latinos que viven con VIH/SIDA no tienen seguro médico, en comparación con el 17% de los blancos; y sólo el 23% de los latinos VIH+ cuentan con un seguro médico privado, en contraste con el 44% de los blancos.

Las revisiones de investigaciones en hombres latinos gay y bisexuales también reportan que las influencias culturales y fuerzas socioeconómicas afectan al bienestar sexual. Por ejemplo, el estatus de residencia legal, el estigma relacionado con el VIH, el machismo, los patrones de inmigración y migración, el idioma, el estatus de seguro médico y el nivel de estudios son todos obstáculos asociados con los servicios y programas de prevención para el VIH^{11, 12}

¿Qué otros factores afectan al riesgo sexual y la capacidad para elegir opciones sanas?

Muchos hombres latinos gay afrontan situaciones socio sexuales únicas que los hacen vulnerables a la transmisión del VIH. Estudios realizados anteriormente con grupos de HSH, entre ellos hombres latinos gay, han documentado que varios factores están asociados con el riesgo sexual:

Selección serológica (elegir a la pareja sexual basándose en su condición percibida de VIH), posicionamiento serológico (selección de roles sexuales [activo o pasivo] según la condición percibida de VIH de cada pareja) y estereotipos y preferencias sexuales¹³
Consumo de alcohol y drogas (incluido el consumo de metanfetaminas y la inyección de drogas) así como tener antecedentes de ITS como sífilis y gonorrea^14,15
Tasas altas de sexo anal sin condón (“sexo a pelo”) y parejas múltiples¹⁶
Abuso sexual en la niñez y un contexto social de discriminación¹⁷

Definida como la adopción de las costumbres culturales de la sociedad mayoritaria, el trabajo sobre la aculturación sugiere que los latinos que son menos asimilados a la cultura mayoritaria de EE.UU. están protegidos por sus valores (sexuales) latinos tradicionales; y que la asimilación de los valores mayoritarios estadounidenses les sirve de barrera protectora porque les aumenta el sentido de individualismo y autodeterminación.¹⁸ Entender el papel que juegan los factores socioculturales nos ayuda a refinar la definición de la capacidad para elegir opciones sexuales sanas de los hombres latinos gay. El trabajo innovador que explora factores protectores entre hombres latinos gay señala que: Entre los latinos radicados en San Francisco, la prevalencia del VIH era mayor entre los latinos nacidos en EE.UU. que los nacidos en otro país, en contraste con Chicago donde sucedió lo contrario⁹

El involucramiento comunitario modera las conductas de riesgo²⁰
Trabajar como voluntario con organizaciones de VIH/SIDA puede reducir los estresores psicológicos²⁰

Dado que la mayoría de estos datos provienen de encuestas cuantitativas, se necesitan más estudios enfocados en la salud pública para examinar más a fondo el contexto de las situaciones sexuales en las cuales los hombres latinos gay se encuentran, así como los factores culturales y guiones sexuales²¹ que influyen en sus comportamientos de reducción de daños.

¿Qué se está haciendo al respecto?

Hermanos de Luna y Sol, un programa nacido en el Distrito de la Misión en San Francisco, CA es una intervención de prevención del VIH con una larga trayectoria enfocada en hombres inmigrantes latinos gay y bisexuales que hablan español. Basado en la educación sobre el empoderamiento y la fomentación del apoyo social, el programa ha logrado aumentar el uso de condones entre sus participantes²².
latinos D (basado en Queens, NY²³) y Somos latinos Salud (basado en Ft. Lauderdale, FL²⁴) son adaptaciones dinámicas y prometedoras del programa MPowerment, una eficaz intervención de VIH a nivel comunitario y basada en evidencias para hombres jóvenes gay y bisexuales²⁵.
SOMOS, un programa de prevención de VIH surgido de la comunidad y culturalmente sensible basado en la ciudad de Nueva York, ha mostrado reducir los comportamientos de riesgo y disminuir el número de parejas entre los hombres latinos gay²⁶.

Aun así, a pesar de estos programas y las recomendaciones de los CDC para resolver las disparidades de salud de los HSH latinos, la mayoría de las adaptaciones de intervenciones basadas en evidencias han sido versiones de programas establecidos que han sido traducidos lingüísticamente pero no necesariamente culturalmente.

¿Cuáles son las recomendaciones?

Honrar la diversidad dentro de las culturas latinas al momento de diseñar programas. Existen diferentes experiencias de eventos históricos, ambientes políticos, patrones inmigratorios y culturas regionales dentro de las comunidades latinas (por ejemplo, los chicanos en Los Ángeles, los “Nuyoricans” en Nueva York y los tejanos en San Antonio).
Realizar más investigaciones sobre las influencias estructurales y ambientales en la salud sexual de los hombres latinos gay, incluyendo temas relacionados con los latinos VIH+ indocumentados.
Entender que trabajar con una población no es lo mismo que tener competencia cultural. Incluir la participación latina no equivale a la provisión de servicios apropiados.
Cultivar la colaboración y empoderamiento de la comunidad gay latina logrando que los hombres latinos gay participen en los consejos locales que planifican la prevención y cuidado del VIH.
Crear programas que respondan a las necesidades particulares de los hombres latinos gay, tanto los inmigrantes como los nacidos en EE.UU. Suponer que todos los hombres latinos gay son hispanohablantes monolingües minimiza las necesidades de los hombres latinos gay biculturales (pero no necesariamente bilingües).
Reducir el estigma relacionados con la homosexualidad y el VIH en las comunidades latinas. Romper los silencios sexuales ayudará a promover la formación de una identidad sexual sana.
Colaborar con formuladores de políticas y entidades políticas interesadas para promover el acceso sostenible al cuidado de la salud.
Destacar las normas sociales y valores culturales que aumenten la capacidad para elegir opciones sexuales sanas. Enfocarse sólo en los factores de riesgo limita la identificación de nuevas percepciones y oportunidades para las intervenciones.
Fomentar programas que respondan al impacto del aislamiento y a la validación de la identidad. Disminuir los estresores que los hombres latinos gay encaran mejorará su bienestar general.

¿Quién lo dice?

1 US Census Bureau (2011). Overview of Race and Hispanic Origin: 2010 – U.S. Census Bureau. CDC Fact Sheet: HIV and AIDS among Latinos. https://www.cdc.gov/hiv/group/racialethnic/hispaniclatinos/index.html 3 CDC. (2008). HIV Surveillance in Men Who Have Sex with Men (MSM). https://npin.cdc.gov/publication/slide-set-hiv-surveillance-men-who-have-sex-men-msm-through-2017 4 Prejean J, et al. (2011). Estimated HIV Incidence in the United States, 2006-2009. PLoS ONE. 5 ONAP. (2010). National HIV/AIDS Strategy: Federal Implementation Plan. 6 Diaz, RM (1998). Latino gay men and HIV: culture, sexuality, and risk behavior. Routledge. 7 Díaz RM, et al. (2001). The impact of homophobia, poverty, and racism on the mental health of gay and bisexual Latino men: findings from 3 US cities. Am J Public Health. 91(6):927-932. 8 Mizuno Y, et al. (2011). Homophobia and Racism Experienced by Latino Men Who Have Sex with Men in the United States: Correlates of Exposure and Associations with HIV Risk Behaviors. AIDS Behav. [Epub ahead of print] 9 CDC. (2011). HIV Surveillance Report, Vol. 21. 10 RAND. (2011). HIV Cost and Services Utilization Study (HCSUS). http://www.rand.org/health/projects/hcsus.html.\ 11 Zea MC, et al. (2004). Methodological issues in research on sexual behavior with Latino gay and bisexual men. Am J Community Psychol. 31(3-4):281-291. 12 National Latino AIDS Awareness Day. HIV/ AIDS and Latino/ Hispanic men who have sex with men. 13 Rosenberg ES, et al. (2011). Number of casual male sexual partners and associated factors among men who have sex with men: results from the National HIV Behavioral Surveillance system. BMC Public Health. 25: 11-89. 14 CDC. (2010). HIV among Hispanics/ Latinos. https://bmcpublichealth.biomedcentral.com/articles/10.1186/1471-2458-11-189 15 Balan IC, et al. (2009). Intentional Condomless Anal Intercourse Among Latino MSM Who Meet Sexual Partners on the Internet. AIDS Educ Prev. 21(1): 14-24. 16 Diaz RM et al. (2005). Reasons for stimulant use among Latino gay men in San Francisco: a comparison between methamphetamine and cocaine users. Journal of Urban Health. 82(Supp1): 71-78. 17 Arreola SG, et al. (2009). Childhood sexual abuse and the sociocultural context of sexual risk among adult Latino gay and bisexual men. Am J Pub Hlth. 99 Suppl 2:S432-8. 18 Abraído-Lanza AF, et al. (2005). Do healthy behaviors decline with greater acculturation? Implications for the Latino mortality paradox. Soc Sci Med. 61:1243–1255. 19 Ramirez-Valles J, et al. (2008) HIV Infection, Sexual Risk, and Substance Use among Latino Gay and Bisexual Men and Transgender Persons. American Journal of Public Health. 98: 1036-1042. 20 Ramirez-Valles J (2002). The proactive effects of community inolvment for HIV risk behavior: A conceptual framework. Health Education Research. 17(4): 389-403. 21 Carrillo H, et al. (2008). Risk across borders: Sexual contexts and HIV prevention challenges among Mexican gay and bisexual immigrant men. Findings and recommendations from the Trayectos Study (Monograph). San Francisco: UCSF and SFSU. . 22 Hermanas de Luna y Sol.https://prevention.ucsf.edu/research-project/hermanos-de-luna-y-sol 23 Latinos Diferentes. https://www.facebook.com/LatinosD. 24 Latinos Salud – Somos. http://www.Latinossalud.org 25 Mpowerment. http://mpowerment.org. 26 Vega MY, et al. (2011). SOMOS: evaluation of an HIV prevention intervention for Latino gay men. Health Educ Res. 26(3):407-418.

Preparado por Gabriel R. Galindo DrPH, UCSF Center for AIDS Prevention Studies Fact Sheet 28, March 2012 Agradecemos a los revisores de esta hoja informativa: Ana F. Abraido-Lanza, Sonya Arreola, Maricarmen Arjona, George Ayala, Alida Bouris, Hector Carrillo, Rafael Díaz, Lizette Rivera, Ramon Ramirez y Jesus Ramírez-Valles.

Reproduction of this text is encouraged; however, copies may not be sold, and the Center for AIDS Prevention Studies at the University of California San Francisco should be cited as the source of this information. For additional copies of this and other HIV Prevention Fact Sheets, please call the National Prevention Information Network at 800/458-5231. Comments and questions about this Fact Sheet may be e-mailed to [email protected]. © July 2012, University of California

Resource

What are African-Americans’ HIV prevention needs?

What Are African-Americans’ HIV Prevention Needs?

revised 9/99

Are African-Americans at risk for HIV?

Yes. Many African-Americans are at high risk for HIV infection, not because of their race or ethnicity, but because of the risk behaviors they may engage in. As with other ethnic/racial groups, HIV risk depends not on who you are, but on whether you engage in risk-taking behaviors with an HIV+ partner, and whether you have access to care, education and prevention services. The majority of AIDS cases among African-Americans occur among persons aged 25-44, and among men. While African-Americans comprise 13% of the US population, they are disproportionately affected by HIV, accounting for 37% of total AIDS cases in the US. In 1998, almost two-thirds (62%) of AIDS cases among all women were among African-Americans. Likewise, African-Americans accounted for over half (53%) of all AIDS cases among injection drug users (IDUs). In 1998, 62% of all children with AIDS were African-American.

Who are African-Americans at risk?

African-Americans, like many ethnic/racial groups, represent a diverse population. Their diversity is evident in their immigrant status, religion, socioeconomic status, geographic locales and the languages they speak. For example, African-Americans are White collar and working class, Christians and Muslims. They reside in inner-city and rural neighborhoods, are the descendants of slaves and recent Caribbean immigrants. Current epidemiological surveillance data do not record these social, cultural, economic, geographic, religious and political identities that may more accurately predict risk. HIV transmission in African-American communities is primarily viewed as a problem among heterosexual IDUs and their sexual partners. Among African-American men, however, the cumulative proportion of AIDS cases attributed to homosexual/bisexual activity (38%) is greater than that attributed to injection drug use (35%). African-American adolescents have, with few exceptions, markedly higher seroprevalence rates compared to White adolescents. Some sexually-active young African-American women are at especially high risk for HIV infection, especially those from poorer neighborhoods. A study of disadvantaged out-of-school youth in the US Job Corps found that young African-American women had the highest rate of HIV infection in the study. Women 16-18 years old had 50% higher rates of infection than young men.

What puts African-Americans at risk?

Injection drug use has played a major role in HIV infection among African-Americans. Although the majority of IDUs in the US are White, HIV infection is higher for Black IDUs than White IDUs. Unemployment and poverty are significant co-factors which may have led to high rates of addiction and high rates of risk behaviors such as sharing needles. In fact, the HIV and drug use epidemic among African-Americans is focused in a small number of inner-city urban neighborhoods of color, an indication that the epidemic may have more to do with geography and poverty than race. While attitudes in the African-American community are slowly changing, homophobia and negative attitudes toward gay men still exist. For young African-American men who have sex with men (MSM), these negative attitudes may cause low self-esteem , lack of community and psychological distress, all of which contribute to risk-taking behaviors. Many African-American women, especially adolescent women, are at high risk for heterosexually acquired HIV. African-American women may not want to or may not be able to negotiate condom use because they may think it would interfere with physical and emotional intimacy, imply infidelity by themselves or their partner or result in physical abuse. Some women may also be in denial or be unaware of their own risk. Over one-third (35%) of AIDS cases among African-American women reported in 1998 were classified as “risk not reported or identified.” It is thought that a majority of these women are infected through heterosexual sex with IDUs and/or gay or bisexual partners.

What are obstacles to prevention?

Communities of color in this country, including African-Americans, have experienced persistent inequalities in social benefits, health care, education and job opportunities. Economic disparities continue to exacerbate the health status of African-Americans and other communities of color in the US. As a result, African-Americans report high rates of diseases and mortality. In addition, many African-Americans hold a distrust of government programs and health institutions. Some African-Americans believe that the effects of AIDS on the community are the results of deliberate efforts and omission of responsibility by the US government. Effective community-based prevention programs must address these concerns. AIDS has been seen as a primarily gay issue in the African-American community. In addition, homophobia exists in the African-American family, church and community on both a personal and institutional level. Many homosexually active African-American men may have been reluctant to respond to the AIDS epidemic for fear of alienation.

What’s being done?

African-American adolescents in Philadelphia, PA were offered an HIV prevention program addressing both abstinence and safer sex. Abstinence intervention participants reported less sexual intercourse after 3 months, but not at 6- or 12- month follow-ups. For youth who reported prior sexual experience, those in the safer sex intervention reported less sexual intercourse than those in the abstinence intervention at 3-, 6- and 12-month follow-ups. Both safer sex and abstinence-only approaches reduced HIV sexual risk behaviors in the short-term, but safer sex interventions may have longer-lasting effects and may be more effective for sexually experienced youth. Some faith communities are responding to HIV in innovative ways. In Tennessee, the Metropolitan Interdenominational Church began an outreach program to IDUs in four poor, predominantly African-American neighborhoods. The program provides sterile needles, condoms, case management and prevention education. They are developing a church-based harm reduction program model for use in other faith communities. The Well is a community-based drop-in center for African-American women that promotes self-help and wellness in a low income housing project in Los Angeles, CA. The Well offers peer support “sister circles”, exercise classes, community health education, a lounge/library, a nurse practitioner’s office, and a partnerships with other community health organizations. The well incorporates HIV/STD education into general education that addresses all aspects of women’s lives. In 1999, in response to the disproportionate impact of HIV on communities of color in the US, the Congressional Black Caucus (CBC) Initiative earmarked $186 million to be spent on community-based HIV prevention programs for communities of color.

What needs to be done?

Researchers and service providers need a better understanding of the role of cultural and socioeconomic factors in the transmission of HIV, as well as the effect of racial inequality on public health. In addition, public health officials should consider changing epidemiological surveillance to include other demographic information such as social, economic and cultural factors. These efforts need to influence the design of HIV prevention messages, services and programs. In the second decade of the AIDS epidemic, homophobia and AIDS denial have yet to be fully countered. Public health institutions should seek out partnerships with African-American faith communities and incorporate spiritual teachings on compassion to ignite a community response. HIV prevention for African-Americans must occur at the community level. Comprehensive programs should link with other health services, such as substance abuse programs, family planning services and STD clinics.

Says who?

1. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. HIV/AIDS Sur-veillance Report . 1998;10:1-43. 2. National Commission on AIDS. The challenge of HIV/AIDS in communities of color. 1994. 3. Moss N, Krieger N. Measuring social inequalities in health: report on the conference of the National Institutes of Health . Public Health Reports. 1995;110:302-305. 4. Valleroy LA, MacKellar DA, Karon JM, et al. HIV infection in disadvantaged out-of-school youth: prevalence for US Job Corps entrants, 1990 through 1996 . Journal of Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndromes and Human Retrovirology. 1998;19:67-73. 5. Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration . Preliminary results from the 1997 national household survey on drug abuse . US Department of Health and Human Service: Rockville, MD; 1999. 6. Fullilove, RE, Fullilove MT. HIV prevention and intervention in the African American community: a public health perspective. In: AIDS Knowledge Base. PT Cohen, ed. Lippincott, Williams & Wilkins. 1999. 7. Stokes JP, Peterson JL. Homophobia, self-esteem, and risk for HIV among African American men who have sex with men . AIDS Education and Prevention. 1998;10: 278-292. 8. Wingood GM, DiClemente RJ. Pattern influences and gender-related factors associated with noncondom use among young adult African American women . American Journal of Community Psychology. 1998;26:29-52. 9. Wingood GM, DiClemente RJ. The effects of having a physically abusive partner on the condom use and sexual negotiation practices of young adult African-American women . American Journal of Public Health. 1997;87:1016-1018. 10. Dalton HL. AIDS in blackface . Daedalus. 1989:118:205-227. 11. Thomas SB, Quinn SC. The Tuskegee Syphilis Study, 1932 to 1972: implications for HIV education and AIDS risk education programs in the black community . American Journal of Public Health. 1991;81: 1498-1506. 12. Peterson JL. AIDS-related risks and same-sex behaviors among African American men. In AIDS, Identity and Community. Herek GM, Greene B, eds. Sage Publications: Thousand Oaks, CA; 1995:85-104. 13. Jemmott JB III, Jemmott LS, Fong GT. Abstinence and safer sex HIV risk-reduction interventions for African American adolescents: a randomized controlled trial . Journal of the American Medical Association. 1998;279:1529-1536. 14. Sander E. Church based harm reduction programs. Presented at the 12th World AIDS Conference, June 1998,Geneva, Switzerland. Abst. #33380. 15. Elliott Brown KA, Jemmott FE, Mitchell HJ, et al. The Well: a neighborhood-based health promotion model for black women . Health and Social Work. 1998;23:146-152. Prepared By John Peterson Phd*, Gina Wingood ScD, MPH**, Ralph Diclemente PhD**, Pamela Decarlo***, Kathleen Quirk MA*** *Department Of Psychology, Georgia State University, **Rollins School Of Public Health, Emory University, ***CAPS September 1999. Fact Sheet #15ER Reproduction of this text is encouraged; however, copies may not be sold, and the Center for AIDS Prevention Studies at the University of California San Franciso should be cited as the source of this information. For additional copies of this and other HIV Prevention Fact Sheets, please call the National Prevention Information Network at 800/458-5231. Comments and questions about this Fact Sheet may be e-mailed to [email protected]. © September 1999, University of California.

Resource

Mental health

How Does Mental Health Affect HIV Prevention?

What does mental health have to do with HIV prevention?

A s much as the HIV epidemic has changed over the past 20 years, most reasons for continued high risk behavior have remained very much the same. Some factors that contribute to these behaviors are: loneliness, depression, low self-esteem, sexual compulsivity, sexual abuse, marginalization, lack of power and oppression. These issues do not have quick fixes. Addressing these basic issues requires time and effort and may extend beyond the capabilities of most HIV prevention programs. One thing we have learned from HIV prevention research is that “one size does not fit all.” Programs need different components to address the different needs of clients. Increasing knowledge, skills building and increasing access to condoms and syringes are good methods, but don’t work for everyone or on their own. For many, the barriers to behavior change are mental health problems. This fact sheet focuses on non-acute mental health issues and does not address the effect of severe mental illness or brain disorders on HIV prevention. What people do and what they experience affects their mental health. Substance use and abuse, discrimination, marginalization and poverty are all factors that impact mental health and, in turn, can place people at risk for HIV infection.

Do mental health issues affect HIV risk?

Yes. The decision to engage in risky sexual or drug using practices may not always be a consciously made “decision.” Rather, it is based on an attempt to satisfy some other need, for example: LOW SELF-ESTEEM. For many men who have sex with men (MSM), low self-esteem and internalized homophobia can impact HIV risk-taking. Internalized homophobia is a sense of unhappiness, lack of self-acceptance or self-condemnation of being gay. In one study, men who experienced internalized homophobia were more likely to be HIV+, had less relationship satisfaction and spent less social time with gay people.¹ Male-to-female transgender persons (MTFs) identify low self-esteem, depression, feelings of isolation, rejection and powerlessness as barriers to HIV risk reduction. For example, many MTFs state that they engage in unprotected sex because it validates their female gender identity and boosts their self-esteem.² ANXIETY AND DEPRESSION. Young adults who suffer from anxiety and depression are much more likely to engage in high risk activities such as prostitution, both injection and non-injection drug use and choosing high risk partners. One study that followed inner-city youths for several years found that change in risk behavior was not associated with knowledge, access to information, counseling or knowing someone with AIDS. Reducing symptoms of depression and other mental health issues were, however, associated with reductions in HIV-related risk behaviors.³ SEXUAL ABUSE. Persons who experience incidents of sexual abuse during childhood and adolescence are at a significantly higher risk of mental health problems and HIV risk behavior. A study of adult gay and bisexual men found that those who had been abused were much more likely to engage in unprotected anal intercourse and injecting drug use.⁴ For many women, sexual abuse is combined with physical and/or emotional abuse in childhood or adolescence. HIV risk is only one of the consequences of this abuse for women. Women may turn to drug use as a way of coping with abuse experience(s). They may also have difficulty adjusting sexually, causing difficulty negotiating condom use with partners and increasing the likelihood of sexual risk taking.⁵ Women who have been abused have higher rates of sexually transmitted diseases (STDs) including HIV.⁶ POST-TRAUMATIC STRESS DISORDER (PTSD). PTSD may account for high sexual risk-taking activities. In one study among female crack users in the South Bronx, NY, 59% of women interviewed were diagnosed with PTSD due to violent traumas such as assault, rape or witness to murder, and non-violent traumas such as homelessness, loss of children or serious accident.⁷ A national study of veterans found that substance abusers who suffered from PTSD were almost 12 times more likely to be HIV-infected than veterans who were not substance abusers nor suffering from PTSD.⁸

What factors impact mental health?

Many persons who suffer from mental health problems turn to substance use as a means of coping. Substance use has been shown to decrease inhibitions and impair judgement, which can contribute to HIV risk-taking. Injection drug users (IDUs) who suffer from depression are at higher risk for needle sharing.⁹ Environmental factors such as poverty, racism and marginalization can lead to mental health problems such as low self-esteem which can in turn, lead to substance use and other HIV risk behaviors. Inner-city young adults with high rates of HIV risk behaviors also experience higher rates of suicidality, substance misuse, antisocial behavior, stressful events and neighborhood murders.¹⁰

What’s being done?

Addressing mental health issues does not only mean getting clients to see an individual counselor or therapist. Community-level and structural programs can also address mental health needs. For example, a program can hire a trained facilitator and offer support groups for survivors of sexual abuse. Open houses or drop-in centers where individuals can meet each other can serve to combat loneliness and depression. Offering mobile vans that deliver syringe exchange as well as clothing or food can reach isolated groups that are at high risk for mental health problems and HIV. The Bodyworkers Program in New York, NY, provides MSM sex workers with free HIV prevention and mental health counseling, peer counseling and access to medical services. Male body workers, escorts, street hustlers, porn stars, go-go dancers and others cited several mental health issues that are barriers to accessing prevention and medical services. They are: mistrust, shame, isolation, fear of personal relationships, sexual compulsivity, depression, low self-esteem, substance abuse and a history of physical/sexual abuse.¹¹ The HAPPENS (HIV Adolescent Provider and Peer Education Network for Services) Program in Boston, MA, provides a network of youth-specific care to HIV+, homeless and at-risk youth. The program conducts street outreach, offers individual HIV risk reduction counseling and links youth to appropriate social, medical and mental health services. All health care visits include a mental health intake and mental health services are offered both on a regular basis and at times of crisis.¹² A program in New Haven, CT, used a street-based interactive case management model to reach drug-using women with or at risk for HIV. Case managers traveled in mobile health units to provide intensive one-on-one counseling on-site. Counseling often included discussions among members of the client’s family and peers. Case managers also provided transportation, crisis intervention, court accompaniment, family assistance and donated food and clothing.¹³

What are the implications for prevention programs?

Persons working in HIV prevention need to be aware of the close association between mental health, social and environmental factors and an individual’s ability to make and maintain behavior changes. Prevention program staff should be trained to look for and identify mental health problems in clients. If mental health staff are not available on-site, programs can provide referrals to counselors as needed. Some service agencies have integrated mental health services into their overall services and can provide counseling as part of their prevention interventions. Mental health issues are often overlooked because of stigma on an institutional and individual level. These issues may vary across communities and by geographic region. Addressing mental health problems is an integral part of health promotion and should be a part of HIV prevention. It is not about labeling or putting people down, but aboutproviding accurate diagnoses and treatments for mental and physical health.

Says who?

1. Ross MW, Rosser BR. Measurement and correlates of internalized homophobia: a factor analytic study. Journal of Clinical Psychology. 1996;52:15-21. 2. Clements-Nolle K, Wilkinson W, Kitano K. HIV Prevention and Health Service Needs of the Transgender Community in San Francisco. in W. Bockting & S Kirk editors: Transgender and HIV: Risks, prevention and care. Binghampton, NY: The Haworth Press, Inc. 2001; in press. 3. Stiffman AR, Dore P, Cunningham RM, et al. Person and environment in HIV risk behavior change between adolescence and young adulthood. Health Education Quarterly. 1995;22:211-226. 4. Bartholow BN, Doll LS, Joy D, et al. Emotional, behavioral and HIV risks associated with sexual abuse among adult homosexual and bisexual men. Child Abuse and Neglect. 1994;9:747-761. 5. Miller M. A model to explain the relationship between sexual abuse and HIV risk among women. AIDS Care. 1999;1:3-20. 6. Petrak J, Byrne A, Baker M. The association between abuse in childhood and STD/HIV risk behaviors in female genitourinary (GU) clinic attendees. Sexually Transmitted Infections. 2000;6:457-461. 7. Fullilove MT, Fullilove RE, Smith M, et al. Violence, trauma and post-traumatic stress disorder among women drug users. Journal of Traumatic Stress. 1993;6:533-543. 8. Hoff RA, Beam-Goulet J, Rosenheck RA. Mental disorder as a risk factor for HIV infection in a sample of veterans. Journal of Nervous and Mental Disease. 1997;185:556-560. 9. Mandel W, Kim J, Latkin C, et al. Depressive symptoms, drug network, and their synergistic effect on needle-sharing behavior among street injection drug users. American Journal of Drug and Alcohol Abuse. 1999;25:117-127. 10. Stiffman AR,Doré P, Earls F, et al. The influence of mental health problems on AIDS-related risk behaviors in young adults. Journal of Nervous and Mental Disease. 1992;180:314-320. 11. Baney M, Dalit B, Koegel H, et al. Wellness program for MSM sex workers. Presented at the International Conference on AIDS, Durban, South Africa. 2000. Abstract #MoOrD255. 12. Woods ER, Samples CL, Melchiono MW, et al. Boston HAPPENS Program: a model of health care for HIV-positive, homeless and at-risk youth. Journal of Adolescent Health. 1998;23:37-48. 13. Thompson AS, Blankenship KM, Selwyn PA, et al. Evaluation of an innovative program to address the health and social service needs of drug-using women with or at risk for HIV infection. Journal of Community Health. 1998;23:419-421.

PREPARED BY JIM DILLEY, MD*, PAMELA DECARLO** *AIDS HEALTH PROJECT, **CAPS September 2001. Fact Sheet #42E

Resource

Theory

What is the role of theory in HIV prevention?

What is theory and how can it help?

A theory describes what factors or relationships influence behavior and/or environment and provides direction on how to impact them. Theories used in HIV prevention are drawn from several disciplines, including psychology, sociology and anthropology. A theory becomes formalized when it is carefully tested with the results repeatable in a number of different settings, and generalizable to various communities.¹ Both formal and informal (or implicit) theories first begin with an individual’s observation about a person or phenomenon. Informal theories—those conceived by service providers— are not usually “tested,” yet these intuitive beliefs about why people do what they do are very useful and often similar to concepts found in formal theories conceived by academics. Theories can help providers frame interventions and design evaluation. When designing or choosing an intervention, theory can show what factors should be targeted and where to focus interventions. Theories can help define the expected outcome of an intervention for evaluation purposes. Also, basing programs on a tested theory gives it scientific support, especially if the program hasn’t been evaluated.² HIV prevention providers are frequently required to use theory in the development of prevention interventions. It’s common, though, for providers to pick a theory based on their intervention. Because many providers are not trained or supported in using theory, they can miss the opportunity to use it as a process for thinking critically about a community in the development of programs.

How can theory guide programs?

Answering the questions in the framework below can help in selecting the most appropriate theories and interventions for a particular community:³

Which communities/populations are targeted for services?
What are the specific behaviors that put them at risk for HIV/STDS?
What are the factors that impact risk-taking behaviors?
Which factors are the most important and can be realistically addressed?
What theory(ies) or models best address the identified factors?
What kind of intervention can best address above factors?

Behaviors that place people at risk for STDS/HIV acquisition and transmission are often the result of many complex factors operating at multiple levels. Theories of behavior change usually address one or more these levels and include individual, interpersonal, community, and structural and environmental factors. Many researchers and providers use a combination of factors from several theories to guide their programs. Following are select theories and models and examples of programs that use them.

Structural and policy level

These theories look at societal and environmental influences on health, including laws, policies, customs, economic conditions and social inequalities (e.g. racism, classism, sexism). Social Disorganization Theory states that where social institutions, norms and values are no longer functioning, high rates of violence, drug abuse, poverty and disease occur. Theory of Gender and Power views the differences in labor, power dynamics, and relationship-investment between women and men as structures that can produce inequalities for women and increase women’s risk and vulnerability to HIV.⁵ Family to Family is a structural intervention that strengthens family functioning and the bonds that connect families to each other in Harlem, NY. Designed to address a broad range of social issues, the program seeks to foster strong relationships in a community with high rates of violence, drug abuse and HIV infection, thus influencing the social determinants of individual risk behavior.⁶

Community level

Empowerment Education Theory, based on Paulo Freire’s popular education model, engages groups to identify and discuss problems.⁷ Once the issue is fully understood by community members, solutions are jointly proposed, agreed, and acted upon. This seeks to promote health by increasing people’s feelings of power and control over their lives. Diffusion of Innovation helps understand how new ideas or behaviors are introduced to, and are spread into and then accepted by a community.⁸ Voices of Women of Color Against HIV/AIDS (VOW) in New York City, is a community organizing intervention based on empowerment theory that aims to increase the involvement of women of color in all aspects of HIV prevention. Women meet monthly to discuss HIV/AIDS issues. VOW organizes trainings on topics of highest concern, and helps women advocate for formulating or changing policies. VOW has met with legislators, given public testimony and organized a women’s policy conference.⁹

Interpersonal level

Social Cognitive Theory views the adoption of behaviors as a social process influenced by interactions with a person and others in their environment.¹⁰ Two primary components of this theory are: 1) modeling of behaviors we see others performing, and 2) self-efficacy, a person’s belief that s/he is capable of performing the new behavior in the proposed situation. Social Support/Social Networks describes the impact of social relationships on health and well-being, where social networks refers to a web of social relationships and social support is the aid and assistance received through those relationships.¹¹ Lista Para Accion is an intervention in Long Beach, CA, that works with Latino gay men and is based on social support and social cognitive theories. The program features four skills-based workshops held in a local Latino dance club. Participants who complete all four workshops can become “Compadres” or community leaders who serve as a support network or “second family” for new workshop participants.¹²

Individual level

The Health Belief Model proposes that in order for persons to change their behaviors they must first believe they are susceptible to a particular condition, and that the severity of that condition is serious.¹³ Stages of Changeexplains the process of incremental behavior change, from having no intentions to changing, to maintaining safer behaviors.¹⁴ The five stages are: Precontemplation, Contemplation, Preparation, Action and Maintenance. Theory of Reasoned Action sees intention as the main influence on behavior.¹⁵ Intentions are a combination of attitudes toward the behavior as well as perceived opinions of peers, both heavily influenced by social norms. Students Together Against Negative Decisions (STAND) is a peer educator training in a rural Georgia county that is based on stages of change and diffusion of innovations theories. HIV prevention training topics are sequenced to match each of the stages of change. STAND prepares teens to initiate conversations with their peers about sexual risk reduction, then assess a person’s stage of change and suggest specific activities. Peer educators reported a sevenfold larger increase in condom use and a 30% decrease in unprotected intercourse.¹⁶

What else is there?

Besides tested and implicit theories, there are strategies that are used as frameworks for programs. Harm Reduction accepts that while harmful behaviors exist, the main goal is to reduce their negative effects.¹⁷ Community Organizing/Mobilization approaches encourage communities to advocate for healthier conditions in their lives.¹⁸ Providers have tremendous insight into what puts their clients at risk for HIV and why. Funders need to accept both tested and implicit theories as a valid base for programs, which often go beyond HIV prevention to address violence, poverty and drug abuse.

Says who?

1. Goldman KD, Schmalz KJ. Theoretically speaking: overview and summary of key health education theories. Health Promotion Practice. 2001:2;277-281. 2. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Evaluating CDC-Funded Health Department HIV Prevention Programs. December 1999.https://www.cdc.gov/hiv/dhap/peb/index.html  3. Freeman A, Vogan S, Rietmeijer K, et al. Bridging theory and practice: a course on apply-ing behavioral theory to STD/HIV prevention. Presented at National HIV Prevention Conference, Atlanta, GA; 1999. Abst #263. 4. Elliott MA, Merrill FE. Social disorganization. New York, NY: Harper; 1961. 5. Wingood GM, DiClemente RJ. Application of the theory of gender and power to examine HIV-related exposures, risk factors and effective interventions for women. Health Education and Behavior. 2000;27:539-565. 6. Fullilove RE, Green L, Fullilove MT. The Family to Family pro-gram: a structural intervention with implications for the prevention of HIV/AIDS and other community epidemics. AIDS. 2000;14S1;S63-S67. 7. Wallerstein N. Powerlessness, empowerment and health: implications for health promotion programs. American Journal of Health Promotion. 1992;6:197-205. 8. Rogers EM. Diffusion of Innovations. Third edition. New York, NY: The Free Press:1983. 9. Elcock S, Goodman D. Women of color doing it for ourselves: HIV prevention policies. Presented at the National HIV Prevention Conference, Atlanta , GA. 1999, Abst. #443. 10. Bandura A. Social cognitive theory and exercise of control over HIV infection. In DiClemente RJ (ed) Preventing AIDS: Theories and Methods of Behavioral Interventions. New York, NY: Plenum Press; 1994. 11. Glanz K, Marcus Lewis F, Rimer BK, Eds. Health Behavior and Health Education: Theory, Research and Practice. 2nd Edition. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, Inc. 1997. 12. Buitron M, Corby N, Rhodes F. Creating a culturally appropriate behavioral prevention intervention for Spanish speaking gay men from an existing risk-reduction program. Presented at the International Conference on AIDS, Geneva, Switzerland, 1998. Abst # 335553. 13. Rosenstock IM, Strecher VJ, Becker MH. The health belief model and HIV risk behavior change. In DiClemente RJ (ed) Preventing AIDS: Theories and Methods of Behavioral Interventions. New York, NY: Plenum Press; 1994. 14. Prochaska JO, DiClemente CC, Norcross JC. In search of how people change. Applications to addictive behaviors. American Psychologist. 1992;47:1102-1114. 15. Fishbein M, Middlestadt SE. Using the theory of reasoned action as a framework for under-standing and changing AIDS-related behaviors. In Wasserheit JN (ed) Primary Prevention of AIDS: Psychological Approaches. 1989. 16. Smith MU, DiClemente RJ. STAND: A peer educator training curriculum for sexual risk reduction in the rural South. Preventive Medicine. 2000;30:441-449. 17. Brettle RP. HIV and harm reduction for injection drug users. AIDS. 1991;5:125-136. 18. Community organizing and community building for health. M Minkler, ed. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press. 1997.

PREPARED BY ALICE GANDELMAN MPH*, BETH FREEDMAN MPH** *California HIV/STD Prevention Training Center,**CAPS January 2002. Fact Sheet #14ER Special thanks to the following reviewers of this Fact Sheet: David Cotton, Pat Coury-Doniger, Ann Freeman, Andy Handler, Julie Lifshay, Matthew Staley, Javid Syed.